Make America Gain Altitude
May Day bulletin on MAGA Communism
Happy May Day to all you Radio Free Pizza fanatics! Though my last dispatch claimed that you wouldn’t hear from me for a few more weeks, it looks now like I just can’t quit—at least not while I keep finding such fresh and interesting ingredients out there in the marketplace of ideas.
So, for the sake of keeping my word, this release isn’t a Sunday dispatch, but instead, the first of Radio Free Pizza’s irregularly posted Wednesday bulletins: this one to celebrate the 19th-century American labor movement winning itself an eight-hour workday in 1886, and to mark (along with future bulletins) the traditional New Comic Book Day for the nation’s comic shops.
Piquing my interest first is another appearance from the estimable Caleb Maupin (featured in a March dispatch) of the Center for Political Innovation, this time interviewed for Jerry’s Take on China, in which the host Jerry Grey inquires with Maupin after the concept of MAGA Communism.
Maupin first explains to Grey that being a communist in the U.S. is legal, as long as one does not advocate for the violent overthrow of the government, based on Supreme Court rulings. With that out of the way, Maupin offers (at ~5:22) his understanding of socialism and communism—emphasizing the goal of a centrally planned economy organized to serve public good rather than profits—and discusses the ultimate aim of achieving a stateless, classless society with abundance through rational economic planning. That, of course, contrasts sharply with the current “woke left” in the U.S., which Maupin believes has lost its way and become a movement of enforcers for the Western regime change apparatus.
Moving on, Maupin describes (at ~6:50) the concept of “MAGA Communism” as an attempt to engage with the working-class base of the MAGA movement and the lower levels of capital opposed to the establishment. Accordingly, he believes the MAGA movement represents the early stages of an awakening for the American people that could potentially give birth to a genuine socialist movement, as the current left has become disconnected from the working class. Of course, while the vast majority of observers would call the MAGA movement right-wing and anti-communist, Maupin skillfully explains (at ~10:28) how that movement results from the divisions within the American ruling class, with Donald Trump representing the lower levels of capital that want economic growth, while the upper layers of capital (such as Silicon Valley tech monopolies and banking dynasties) want to impose economic de-growth to stabilize capitalism.
Therefore, Maupin sees the potential for a coalition of common interest between the American working class, countries resisting Western imperialism, and the lower levels of capital represented in the MAGA movement. The upper levels of capital, however, would certainly oppose such a coalition, with Maupin noting (at ~17:05) that the rich and powerful may attempt to impose an authoritarian state to preserve their power, before arguing persuasively that true democracy is only possible as society moves towards the ultimate goal of communism, with the current political system in the U.S. representing only a de facto dictatorship of the ultra-rich.
Speaking as an American myself, I found Maupin’s discussion of the relationship between socialism and the American spirit to be particularly enlightening. He concedes without hesitation (at ~47:00) that the U.S. was founded with slavery and genocide, but still maintains that there is a progressive side to the American spirit that can be appealed to, such as the abolitionists and suffragists who fought against injustice. Accordingly, Maupin argues that a genuine socialist movement in the U.S. must emerge from this spirit, rather than adopting foreign ideologies such as Stalinism or Maoism—that such a movement must present, in other words, a socialism with American characteristics. Though that American spirit certainly celebrates a kind of radical individualism, Maupin nonetheless advocates for overcoming said tendency and building a collective movement, emphasizing the need for real-world organizing (rather than online posturing) and for finding common ground with allies to develop new political parties and grassroots movements to emerge from the current crisis.
Next up in Grey’s interview series on MAGA Communism comes the mononymous James, one of this movement’s grassroots followers. Here, James first provides background on how he became a MAGA Communist, initially being only a communist and then supporting Trump due to his economic policies resonating with working-class Americans—such as his stance on issues like foreign wars, outsourcing jobs, and domestic infrastructure—which explains his appeal to those dissatisfied with the current system, which suffers from corporate influence, wealth inequality, and the need for better social services in America. For this reason, James describes (at ~12:33) Trump as a capitalist but declines (at ~31:44) to call him an imperialist, and expresses (at ~41:48–43:24) his hopes that Trump’s policies can bring manufacturing jobs back to America.
Grey and James’s discussion goes on to explore (at ~51:13–56:05) the possibility of the Republican Party absorbing MAGA Communist ideals—in spirit though not in name, given (at ~56:09–57:35) the historic vilification of communism in America. They, and Grey’s audience as well, make a point here of explaining that travel restrictions preventing Americans from visiting socialist countries stemmed from U.S. policy, rather than from these nations’ own policies, and they go on to describe (at ~59:19–1:04:28) how U.S. sanctions continue disrupting the Cuban economy, despite more than two decades of unanimous votes from the United Nations to end the embargo, which the U.S. has vetoed each time. That, James points out (at ~1:07:56–1:08:48), stems from the Cuban-American lobby, inspiring Grey to comment (at ~1:08:56–1:10:34) on China’s whole-process people’s democracy, and the irony of Americans claiming that China is a dictatorship while U.S. policy is dictated by capital.
Importantly for its connection to some potential attributes of the socialism with American characteristics that we explored in March, Grey and James also discuss (at ~1:17:06–1:19:28) the Huawei employee ownership model and the concept of cooperative ownership as a potential solution to wealth inequality.
Overall, James believes that MAGA Communism represents a desire for a more equitable society while still supporting Trump’s economic policies. Their conversation highlights the contradictions and complexities of the MAGA Communist movement, as well as the contrast between the U.S. and China as dictatorships of capital and of the proletariat respectively.
In the final-for-now entry in this series, Grey interviews Haz al-Din, who coined the term “MAGA Communism”—and whom we’ve previously named as “Adam ‘Haz al-Din’ Tahir” in apparent error.
Regardless of his given name, Al-Din explains (at ~1:01) that MAGA Communism arose from the perpetual failure of the American left to achieve political or ideological victories, even after events like the 2008 financial crisis. He notes the rise of the populist right, like the MAGA movement, filled the vacuum left by the traditional left wing, because the left has written off a significant portion of the working class, rural, and blue-collar voters who could be receptive to their messaging. Accordingly, MAGA Communism seeks to bridge this gap and guide the dissident politics of MAGA supporters towards communism.
Al-Din names (at ~5:32) three main adversaries facing the MAGA Communism movement: pan-leftists (liberals, Trotskyites, anarchists, etc.), the far-right trying to malign their efforts, and the hegemonic forces of the state and media attempting to suppress them. He acknowledges the challenges they face, including being a minority movement and facing potential censorship or repression. However, Al-Din believes the integrity and uniqueness of its message allows the movement to hold its own and grow in significance.
Moving on, Al-Din identifies (at ~18:03) the 2024 U.S. presidential election as the ultimate test for MAGA Communism. He believes that if Trump loses, the polarization in the country could reach a tipping point, potentially leading to a breakdown of law and order akin to a civil war scenario. Al-Din suggests that the MAGA Communism movement is preparing for such a scenario, where they may need to survive and continue organizing through irregular channels. However, their goal is to build legitimacy and participate in the political process, potentially fielding candidates and forming local chapters.
Notably, Al-Din describes (at ~1:25:10) dispelling American animosity and hostility toward China as one of MAGA Communism’s key goals, arguing that the U.S.’s aggressive posturing against China is driven by the military-industrial complex and not in the interests of humanity or America itself. He believes that MAGA supporters and China share a common enemy in the hegemonic forces of Western imperialism trying to suppress them both, and describes his aim to educate people on this shared struggle against the 'fake news media' and destructive forces.
Taken all together, Grey’s interviews with Maupin, James, and Al-Din offer a wealth of potential avenues through which to foster MAGA Communism in the U.S. Engaging with the working-class base of the MAGA movement and the lower levels of capital opposed to the establishment would help said communists to build a movement that appeals to the progressive side of the American spirit, such as the ideals of abolitionists and suffragists who fought against injustice. In doing so, MAGA Communists could help build communities of solidarity to overcome the pathological individualism that keeps Americans divided and unrepresented in their own government.
That, of course, would require educating people about socialism and the goal of a rationally planned economy organized to serve public good and expand wealth for all of society. To that end, we might organize panel discussions of MAGA Communists at municipal and county levels, or establish local chapters of the MAGA Communism movement to build grassroots support and legitimacy. From these chapters, MAGA Communists could field candidates to participate in the political process and potentially gain elected positions. (We’ll take notes for Pizza-Man’s campaign as the Leisure Party’s candidate for country alderman.)
Surely, though, our American oligarchs would attempt to strangle such a movement in its crib. For that reason, MAGA Communists must advocate for a peaceful transition to socialism through democratic processes, so as not to give our ruling class any excuse for imposing an authoritarian state. It’s worth noting also that the threat of such an imposition becomes more likely as MAGA Communists dispel hostility toward and build connections with geopolitical adversaries of the U.S. and of Western hegemony. Accordingly, it seems most advisable to us here and now for MAGA Communists to concentrate their efforts domestically, and to allow a decreasingly hostile American public to organically foster that international solidarity and to thereby avoid reprisals from its current imperialist regime.
Interesting.
One might want to consider America is a series of Federations from the Iroquois to the Internet and all arrangements in between. Centralization has always failed- you are living through such a failure now.
This history isn’t lightly ignored.